Answer & Explanation:need edit 500 class r paper.doc Hi I need to add these information in my paper and this is the profs comments to add it on the research paper I also need one page summary of my paper If they will still live in Yemen, is it possible to integrate them into society? Is it possible to have “moderate Houthis” as part of the government, and as leading parts of society. The goal of course is to reduce the grievances of the group, to show that Houthis can be part of the country instead of only excluded. And/or is it possible to give Houthis some regional autonomy in western (“southern,” right?) Yemen, lik when there were two Yemen? There are examples – like Mozambique – where the opposition is integrated into society, rather than just defeated. I am not saying that this is the solution. I am asking you if it is possible. And then you should put in your paper: “Another possible solution is the re-integration of Houthis into Yemeni government and society. This would not work, though, because….”or”Another possible solution is the re-integration of Houthis into Yemeni government and society. This would be difficult, but is possible because…”
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BINALI 1
Topic:
International Relation between Saudi Arabia and Yemen
Name:
Instructor:
Class:
International relation 500
International Relation between Saudi Arabia and Yemen
BINALI 2
Saudi- Yemen Relations before 2010
The relations between Saudi Arabia and Yemen refer to both the past and the present
relationship between the two countries. Saudi Arabia was formed in 1932 and has been
constantly involved in Yemen mostly in its political and military welfare leading to negatives
consequences for Yemen (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005). Yemen has for a long time been
regarded to be very highly populated with its citizens being poor and unemployed. In addition, it
is a Republican in the Arabian Peninsula that is dominated by monarchies of less population and
extraordinarily wealthy individuals. Regardless of the influence of Al-Qaeda, the country of
Yemen has often been regarded warily by its border countries. Yemen’s relation to Saudi Arabia
has become a primary feature of its foreign policy. This is not only because Saudi is the
dominant state in Peninsula and the most important neighbor for Yemen but also because of the
perception of the security needs for Saudi. The security concerns require that they form allies
with Yemen to prevent them from becoming a threat (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005).
The north and south parts of Yemen, before the unification in 1990, were at loggerheads
and focused more on each other rather than the neighbors. The two parts maintained equilibrium
to avoid the domination of either. Saudi Arabia declared their support for the north while the
Soviet supported the south although the relations led to frequent prying of internal affairs for
both fractions. The exploitation of the policy by the North to their advantage led to some
setbacks including the overdependence on the Saudis. By 1980, the Yemeni’s working in Saudi
Arabia contributed greatly to the northern economy stability (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005).
In 1934, the Treaty of Taif was signed by Saudi Arabia and Yemen to demarcate the
border between the two countries after a brief war. It is during this time that some of the Yemeni
BINALI 3
areas were absorbed into Saudi territory. The oil boom in the Saudi Arabia between 1960s and
1970s caused a lot of Yemenis to work permanently at Saudi. However, the terms of entry for the
Northern Yemenis were easier compared to their southern counterparts and any other countries.
The economy of the northern Yemen depended greatly on the Saudi and any political instability
in Saudi would be detrimental to the Yemenis. Suffice to say, the economy of Saudi Arabia and
Yemen had become intertwined (Welch, 1995). Despite the short-term benefits for Yemen, in the
long-term, there was inflation and wealth disparities leading to declined agriculture in the
country as the lands had been neglected by the migration to Saudi.
Although the Yemeni worked in Saudi Arabia and helped in its tremendous growth, the
country feared that the Yemeni could foment opposition to the kingdom. In the same way, the
Yemeni also complained of the ingratitude of the kingdom of their great efforts in building the
economy of Saudi as the compensation was inadequate. Also, the Yemeni raised concerns
regarding the harsh treatment and discrimination they faced in Saudi. A civil war erupted in 1962
due to the rebellion against the rule of Imam in northern Yemen. As expected Saudi Arabia
supported the royalists and deployed foreign mercenaries and equipment to the royalist tribes.
Shah of Iran provided financial support, and Britain offered concealed support. The Republicans
were supported by Abdul Nasser from Egypt by sending almost seventy thousand troops and
chemical weapons that confirmed a military catastrophe lead to the labeling of the way as
Egypt’s Vietnam (Badeeb, 1986). Egypt recalled their troops in 1967 following pulling out of
Saudi in 1965 making northern Yemen a republic.
The unification of Yemen to form the Republic of Yemen in 1990, led to a hostile and
wary attitude from Saudi, tainting their relations (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005). The Yemeni were
BINALI 4
also not sure of the kingdom’s reaction to the unification leading to anxieties. The discovery of
oil and natural gas reserves renewed interest in border negotiations and invasion of Kuwait by
Iraq collectively deteriorated the relations. In the face of the aggressive stance Iraq had towards
Saudi Arabia seeking recompense, the unification was a hard blow to the kingdom. Yemen had a
stable relationship with Iraq mostly religious but with some military, economic and political ties.
This caused a dilemma as Yemeni still depended on the remittances from Saudi Arabia but had
long-standing relations with Iraq (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005). Being the only Arab country in
the UN Security Council, the country’s decision and behavior was under great scrutiny.
Taking the middle course, Yemeni greatly condemned the invasion and proposed a
regional solution to end the conflicts. This led to a series of international interventions seeking to
recapture Kuwait by force leading to the resistance by Yemen, which was interpreted as secret
support for Iraq. The UN sanctions resulted in the cutting off of Yemen’s aid and trade with Iraq.
As if not enough for Yemen, Saudi Arabia terminated all its economic help to Yemen and
organized troops in the border zone (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005). All the Yemeni guest workers
were required to have a sponsor leading to massive expulsions of 750,000 people from the
kingdom all forced to leave their possession. Several border negotiation settingswere made as
Yemen sought to recover the lost provinces and beyond. However, the two countries later agreed
and signed a treaty called the Treaty of Jeddah; this defined the border, and the Saudi’s were
obliged to stop their support to the southern separatists.
Changes in Yemen since 2010
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Since 2004, the government of Yemeni was involved in multiple wars that aimed at
wiping out the Saudi rebels, commonly known as the Houthis. The Houthis had occupied the far
north adjacent to the controversial Saudi border. The campaigns to crush the Houthis had begun
in August 2009 and culminated in a ceasefire in 2010. During this occasion, Saudi Arabia
intervened by bombing all the Houthi positions in support of Saleh’s forces. The Saudi
government was afraid that the rebels would attack the southern provinces and began to
depopulate the border area. People from 400 villages were transferred to makeshift camps and
seized the opportunity to handle issues related to the border (Cordesman, & Obaid, 2005). This
led to a series of arrests of thousands of people with charges ranging from illegal entry to the
smuggling of drugs and weapons. However, in less than a year, the Houthis have taken control of
all the big cities in Yemen especially those rich in agriculture.
The Houthis are believed to be members of the sect called Shiite Zaydi, and their show of
military power could increase recruitment of Al-Qaeda extremists leading to regional and global
threats. Although the Houthis have tried to fight the Al-Qaeda in Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), the
expansion of the group could lead to the conversion of Sunnis to extremists for protection. The
Houthis are demanding fair representation in the government institutions while still holding the
president hostage. The president, Mr. Hadi, had noted that the constitution would also be
amended to appease the Houthis. The takeover of Yemeni by the Houthis led to the intervention
of the Saudi Arabia Kingdom. The Houthis after widespread international and domestic
opposition decided to take peace talks led by the United States (Mumtaz, 2010). A retreat by the
Houthis out of malaise would lead to a win for the Al-Qaeda that is awaiting this. The Al-Qaeda
has been for many years involved in massive attacks globally leading to the mass destruction of
BINALI 6
people and property. Now more than ever, the intervention of Saudi Arabia in restoring the
political stability of Yemen is eminent although the strategy so far seems to be ineffective.
Saudi Arabia Builds a Physical Barrier Claiming to Protect against Terrorism, Smuggling
of Weapons and Illegal Drugs
The physical barrier of Saudi Arabia-Yemen stretched to over 1, 800 kilometers and was
built by the Saudi Arabia. It contains three-meter pipeline filled with concrete to up to ten meters
high(Bayoumy, & Ghobari, 2014). According to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the barrier was to
counter-terrorism, drug trafficking and weapon smuggling across the borders. According to the
border treaty signed in 2000, the people of Yemen termed it an illegal construction leading to
anxieties between the two countries. To this respect, the Saudis stopped the construction in the
wake of February 2004. Despite this, the Yemeni were outraged by the accusations of being
terrorists and drug smugglers. Yemen and Saudi Arabia decided to take turns in watching the
border by use of the watch towers so as to curb the infiltration by terrorist and drug smuggling.
Saudi Arabia is more vulnerable to trafficking of arms and drugs due to rugged terrain on its
borders making it hard for surveillance (Väyrynen, 1984). The large territories and strategic
location also contribute to kits vulnerability. Also, smuggling of cattle and illegal immigration
are rampant across the border. In this regard, the Saudi Arabia erected the physical barrier to
prevent terrorism, illegal immigrants, drugs and weapon trafficking, cattle smuggling as well as
human trafficking across its borders
The claims by Saudi Arabia were founded on a series of concerns that had pointed to the
importance of a barrier. In 1990, Saudi Arabia experienced terrorist attacks and after
investigation, the explosives were found to have originated from Yemen. Also, Saudi Arabia
BINALI 7
claimed that compound bombings in Riyadh in 2003 had been sponsored through the provision
of weaponry by the Yemeni to the radical Islamic groups. Also, Yemen had become a terrorist
destination where the infamous AQAD had enjoyed resurgence and remained unexpectedly
resilient(Bayoumy, & Ghobari, 2014). The foreign terrorist in Yemen made the kingdom of
Saudi Arabia consider the barrier to prevent the terrorists from invading their kingdom. The great
migration that occurred everyday from Yemen to Saudi Arabia for employment and visiting
relatives had contributed to the trafficking of drugs and also children(Bayoumy, & Ghobari,
2014). Statistics shows that hundreds of children for Yemeni were being trafficked everyday to
Saudi Arabia. In this regard, sixty thousand Yemenis were deported from Saudi Arabia as they
lacked the required documents to be recognized legally.
Yemen is also known to have guns in a proportion that exceeds the people living there by
threefold. The weapons are sold in the open market with no restrictions whatsoever. This makes
Saudi Arabia wary of their neighbors, and the physical wall is a solution to this. In the remote
areas in Yemen, people are seen carrying weapons for their self-defense (Väyrynen, 1984). Some
of the villages have formed trained militia who could overthrow the army of the Yemen
government. Suffice to say, in Yemen, weapons are the order of the day no matter how deadly.
Reports indicate that a lot of weaponry including ammunition rounds of up to 90,000 and 2,000
dynamite sticks are seized ever day during the Saudi border patrols. Weapon smuggling has also
reduced especially after the deployment of more troops to guard the border. The residents living
near the border have also been evacuated to makeshift camps to decrease the impact in case of a
terrorist attack(Welch, 1995). Strict regulations and policies have also been put to safeguard the
citizens and foreigners in the Kingdom.
BINALI 8
Saudi Conflict With the Houthis
The Houthis, who have already occupied the north of the border,are a terrorist threat to
Saudi Arabia. The fact that the Iran, who is enemies with Saudi Arabia, supports the Houthis in
terms of resources and weaponry makes Saudis more careful with the border. Saudi Arabia is
also vulnerable to the attacks by the Houthis as they helped the Yemeni government try and
silence them(Welch, 1995). An attack would, therefore, be a revenge mission especially because
Saudi Arabia is in the forefront to end the instability in the country. AQAP also remains the
dreaded threat to Saudi Arabia as it is linked to the deadly al-Qaeda militia Islamic radicals.
Several terrorists associated with the group have been arrested especially key personnel in the
group along the borders. The militia group has however been mitigated by the aggressive
security forces of Saudi counter-terrorism. Similarly, hundreds of immigrants from other
countries especially Africa and the Yemen deserts arrive at the border to escape hunger and war
in their country (Bayoumy, & Ghobari, 2014). As such, Saudi Arabia has opened up detention
camps at the border where the immigrants are arrested and sent back to their countries.
Controversial reports indicate that the detention camps are in deplorable conditions and are
overly congested with no separation of males and females. The lavatories are also in poor
condition and could lead to various diseases.
Drugs remain a major challenge in Saudi Arabia especially affecting the youth. The
government has linked this to the increase narcotics smuggling along the borders although this
has been a problem for the security officials. The drug smuggling is believed to be a major
occupation for some of the Yemeni tribes at the border earning up to 100 dollars per year for
Saudi Arabia. Qat is the most common drug for its amphetamine-like effect and is illegal in
BINALI 9
Saudi Arabia. In 2012, 762 arrests were made of suspected drug traffickers (Okruhlik & Conge,
1997). During the seizure, five million tablets of amphetamine, seven kilos of heroine, and
seventeen tons of hashish were recovered including eleven million in cash. The barrier is one
way in which the kingdom curbs the drug traffickers and a lot of arrestsare made each day
concerning drug dealers. The government is looking into increased training for the officials and
also the erection of more physical barriers to counter the vice. The restrictions at the barrier have
done a lot to combat the infiltration of terrorist, drug traffickers, and weapon smuggling.
Although the drug menace continues to persist, the terrorists have been wiped out of the
kingdom(Bayoumy, & Ghobari, 2014). The drug traffickers have adopted new ways of
smuggling drugs by use of trained donkeys that can not only detect police officers and avoid
them but also cross the border with no company.
Saudi Arabia may be justifiedin their efforts to protect their borders given the prevailing
statistics. All other borders too, are at risk especially in the smuggling of narcotics into the
country. Recently, it has been noted that illegal human trafficking has also been taking place
across the borders especially child labor trafficking(Bayoumy, & Ghobari, 2014). This hasbeen
attributed to the increased revenues gotten from these activities especially for the low-income
families in developing countries. Most of the human labor gets access to Saudi Arabia through
agencies that cater for their visas and arrange for sponsors. They normally have to pay hefty fees
to the agencies to be given contracts to work as domestic workers in sponsors’ houses. This has
led to increased harassment and death of some of these workers due to the mistreatment they
receive from the sponsors(Welch, 1995). According to the Saudi Arabia government, the
sponsors have the right to possess the travel papers of the workers until the expiry of the
contract. In other words, the travel papers are not recognized and cannot be used until the
BINALI 10
stipulated contract is over. In spite of these conditions, human trafficking has increased across
the borders, with an estimated 2000 people being trafficked each day.
Although the country has increased the migrant’s policies and regulations to discourage
foreigners from coming into the country, it is believed that several people across the borders into
Saudi Arabia every day. The Iraq-Saudi has also been recently marked for terrorist entry into the
kingdom. Indeed, reports indicate that the guards at the border fled after they saw the ISIS
groups advancing towards the border leaving it unmanned (Bayoumy, & Ghobari, 2014). The
kingdom is considering building a physical barrier that separates the two countries. In the same
way, the country has deployed more guards to man all their borders and also continue to assure
the people of Saudi that the government is capable of preventing any terrorist attack. Due to this,
however, several travel advisories have been released barring foreigners from visiting anywhere
close to the borders for their security. Saudi Arabia has been termed a terrorist target, and this
has seen many foreigners fail to return to their jobs in the kingdom.
Saudi Arabia Provides Employment for over one million Yemenis
The government of Saudi Arabia has had good relations with Yemen although civil wars
have tainted the ties. Approximately one million people from Yemen are guest workers in Saudi
Arabia(Elamin, & Alomaim, 2011). Although Saudis appeared to have a stronger relationship
with the northern than the southern parts, all were allowed to work in Saudi. Regulations and
restrictions were removed for the Yemenis so as to encourage the free movement between the
two countries. It is reported that hundred of Yemeni, at least before the civil war, traveled to
Saudi by boats for work. The greatest part of Yemen’s economy was supported by the influx of
money from the workers in Saudi Arabia. Due to the discovery of great oil reserves in Saudi
BINALI 11
Arabia, employment was not a problem, and this attracted many Yemenis (Buiter, 2008). The
employment of many Yemenis has been an advantage to the government of Yemeni as a lot of
money estimated to about $4 billion a year is sent to the families from Saudi Arabia.
The poverty rate and level of unemployment in Yemen have led to most of them seeking
job opportunities in Saudi Arabia. This condition is being experienced by both the educated and
uneducated casual laborers in Yemen. Similarly, the increased conflicts in the country have
caused many Yemeni’s to seek refuge in other countries including Saudi Arabia. The
construction works and domestic jobs attract most of the Yemenis as the Saudis consider them
too manual for their status (Buiter, 2008). Due to desperation, most have opted for the illegal
channels exposing themselves to untold risks at the border. This has led to the detention of most
Yemenis in the Al-Riyadh prison. Most of the Yemenis work in the domestic, cleaning and the
agricultural industries. However, the hierarchy of employment favors the Yemenis as they are
eligible for top positions depending on their level of employment. Whether this has been
implemented, though, is still a subject of speculation (Okruhlik, & Conge, 1997).
According to the General Passport Department in Saudi Arabia, about one million
Yemenis work in Saudi Arabia. Of these, 860,000 are officially registered as residents of Saudi
Arabia and are involved in manual jobs in the kingdom. However, it is expected that over a
million Yemenis still live and work in the kingdom illegally. The department has however
indicated that more than 40,000 Yemenis have sought correction of their residence status in
Saudi Arabia (Elamin, & Alomaim, 2011). The Saudi citizens have been given the capacity to
sponsor up to 5 workers from Yemeni while the organizations are allowed to hire up to 10% of
Yemeni of their total employees. Once legally registered, the Yemeni guest workers are allowed
BINALI 12
to move in the country without restrictions. The kalafaor sponsorship system, with wh …
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