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Answer & Explanation:isserman_kazin_black_freedom_struggle.pdf_.pdf i want a paragraph at least five sentences but no more than ten after the topic sentence. Assignment must be typed, double-spaced, with your name at the topWrite a paragraph that begins with the topic sentence: Life in the North was different from life in the South for African Americans. Select facts from the reading to back up this sentence. Use no quotations; write the entire paragraph in your own words (after the topic sentence that I have specified here). Write at least five sentences but no more than ten after the topic sentence.
isserman_kazin_black_freedom_struggle.pdf_.pdf

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lne -moyling inJuly of 1944, a civilian bus driver ar Forr Hood, Texas, ordered a black army lieutenant to “get to the back of the bus where the colored people belong.” The lieutenant refused, arguing that the military had
recently ordered its buses desegregated. Mps came and took him into custody. Four weeks later, the black officer wenr on trial for insubordination. If
convicted by the court martial, he faced a dishonorable discharge-which
would have crippled his job opportunities for the resr of his life.
The lieutenant’s name was Jackie Robinson. Three years later, Robinson
would don the uniform of the Brooklyn Dodgers to become the first African-
American man in the twentieth century to play major league baseball.
Robinson’s bold defiance of raciar cusrom, his appeal to federal aurhorit1 and his acquittal by that military courr in 1944 all indicated that significant changes were in spin. world war II was a watershed in AfricanAmerican history, raising the hopes of people who, with their children,
would
build the massive black freedom movement of the 1960s.
The urgent need for soldiers to fight abroad and for wage-earners to forge
an “arsenal of democracy” at home convinced a flood of African Americans
to leave the south. Mechanized cotton pickers shrunk the need for agrarian
labor just as rhe lure of good jobs in war indusrries sapped the will Io ,try
in the fields. Metropolises from Los Angeles ro New york fiued up with darkskinned residents-and, after the war, the flow persisted. Between 1940 and
1960, 4-5 million black men and women migrated out of Dixie; African
Americans were fast becoming an urban people.
This second great migration (the first occurred during and just after
world war I) helped pry open some long-padlocked doors.”Before the war,
all but a few blacks were excluded from u.i”r, to good .,white’,
lobs and the
24
America Divided
Jachie Robinson being tagged out at home during a World Series game against the New York
Yanhees. Source: National Baseball of Fame, Cooperstown, NY
best educational institutions. After the war, increasing numbers of blacks finished high school and gained entrance to historically white colleges; the num-
ber of African Americans in the skilled trades and in professions like medicine and education shot up.
Before the war, the black freedom movement was a small and fragile entity, repressed by southern authorities and shunned by many African Americans fearful of reprisals if they took part. In 1941, labor leader A. Phillip
Randolph vowed to bring masses of demonstrators to Washington, D.C., unless the government opened up jobs in defense plants to black workers. His
threat persuaded President Franklin Roosevelt to establish a Committee on
Fair Employment Practices (FEPC) and to bar discrimination by unions and
companies under government contract. During the war, the NAACP, the oldest national civil rights organization, increased its membership by a thousand
percent. Many a black veteran returned from overseas with a new determination to fight the tyranny under which he’d been raised. “I paid my dues
over there and I’m not going to take this anymore over here,” stated a former black officer.l
Centuries of bondage and decades of rigid segregation (called’Jim Crow,”
after a bygone minstrel character) had taught African Americans hard lessons
-rBlach Ordeal, Blach Freeilom
25
about the barriers they faced. A maxim
of Frederick Douglass, the nineteenth_
century abolitionist who had freed
himself from ,h;t:;;ed
self_evident:
“Power concedes nothing without
a demand. It never’did u.ra i, never
wilr.,,
The demand in the post-world war
II era was for ,,freedom.,, But what did
that mean?
Their history as a narion within a nation
reft most brack people
a deep sense of arienarion from
the society of
their birth
andL
with both
inrense rong_
full and eqLr:rl citizenship. The black activisr
rra irr,”rr”ctual w. E. B.
wrote, in 1903, that the black American ,.ever
feers his rwo_ness_an
American, a Negro; two souls, two
thoughts, two ,”.”.or.ir.Jstrivings.
:g-fo:
DuBois
Two
ffi ilr*Jl?’:i:;l:ro*ubodv,whosJdogged’,.””g,r,-uio,i.keeps-itrrom
The thousands of men and women
who joined the freedom movement
in the two decades after 1945 continued
to rive in perpetuar rension between
the dual ideals. They demanded^equality
under ttre tai-to be.ludged as individuals and not as members of a minorit
y race.yet, at the same time, their
strength resred o” ,1″::, relationships,
and institutions thrt
,p.u.rg f.o_
their own tight-knit African-Am..i.ui
.o**uniry-one in which iiliterate
laborers and a smalr core of blrck
p.oi”ssionals were bondei (.,o, always
happily) by race. The resurt *ur ,rrr.u-Llack
individual-whether cook or
physician-wourd rise from the .o–r.,i,y
or not at a[. The cause of civir
rights was thus always, by necessity
u, *rr.h as design, also a demand for
black power.
The legal effort that culminated in the
most famous court ruling of the
twentieth century illustrated the dual
longings that DuBois described. In
1950
Thurgood Marshalr and his mlented
,”u..ior”Naac, ir*y.* l”.ided to chal_
lenge the principre of segregatea
r.hootr.’sut they *”.” ,o,-r.,ing fiom
an
absrracr belief that btact<1niar", ,horla'-ix with whites. NAAcp arrorney Robert Carter later explained, .,I believ" tLrt ,fr. _r;*iry ,.rir-"r, in the black community was a desire to secure io. ru.rc al, of the educational nur_ turing available to whrres. If ending schoor seg."gation ;;;; way to that the other h#d, equar racirities was :fj::il?l,li;Lt,,l" ';;.ing rhe way, Marshall's team was convinced that white authorities wourd always reat all-black schools as neglected stepchirdrer, a".ryi.rg them needed funds and other support' ResearcL by psychorogi*r-x"rr.r"th-clark urra uumi" phipps ,.gr"gu,.d schoors ..incorporated into their developing self-image feelings .i .?.*f inferiority.,,+ young African Americans, rhe counre insisted, wJurd never learn ,o .Jrp".i ih"ms"l,oes if they were barred fr# rearning ,r""gria;ir"*b"r, of the dominanr race. on May 17,1954, the Supreme court u-nanimousry agreed wirh rhe NAACp at_ torneys revealed that black children confined Io who had argued that separate schoors viorated the Fourteenth Amend_ ment's guarantee of .,equal protection of the laws.,, 26 America Divided The case that gave the ruling its name-Oliver Brown, et al. y. Board of Education of Topeka, Shawnee County, Kansas, ef al.-illustrated the kind of demeaning irritations that marked daily life for most American blacks. In Topeka, training and salaries were roughly equal for teachers of both races. But black children had to ride buses ro classrooms located miles away; their white peers could simply walk to school. As DuBois understood, "two-ness" often exerted a painful bargain. Thousands of black teachers lost their jobs after school systems were desegregated. And when Jackie Robinson began playing the infield for the Dodgers, the two Negro baseball leagues made up one of the largest black-owned and -operated enterprises in America. Black fans took pride in the fact that sluggers like Josh Gibson and pitchers like Satchel Paige, had skills equal or superior to those of white stars like Joe DiMaggio and Bob Feller. But Robinson's success with the Dodgers (he led the team to the World Series in two of his first three years), followed by the gradual inregration of other clubs, destroyed the Negro leagues. Their demise left an ironic legacy: it is likely that fewer black men earned a living as baseball players in the late 1950s and 1960s than during the era of Jim Crow. Bur nor many African Americans mourned the old order. "Nothing was killing Negro baseball but Democracy," wrote journalist Wendell Smith in 1948.5 The changes that occurred during World War II and in the decade im- mediately following it were, by and large, encouraging. As black people filled the workplaces and streets of urban America, whites were finally beginning to grapple with "the problem of the color-line," which DuBois had predicted would be "the problem of the twentieth century." Academics and journalists increasingly condemned the belief and practice of white supremacy. In 1948 President Harry Truman ordered the armed florces to desegregate completely. At its nominating convention that summer, the Democratic Party, for the first time in its long history, took an unambiguous stand for civil rights. Most of the southern delegates walked out in protest. Still, such advances were only a first step toward liberating black people from the lower caste to which law, custom, economic exploitation, and vigilante violence had confined them. At midcentury, the income of black families averaged only 55 percent that of white families (and black women went out to work at higher proportions than did white women). Segregation remained the rule in most of America. After the war, African Americans began to have a realistic hope that their long night of hatred and economic abuse might end. But it would require two more decades of arduous, heroic effortand intermittent support from sympathetic authorities-to bring about serious change. In the South, the odds remained parricularly formidable. By rhe I950s, slavery had been dead for almost a century, but its legacy remained disturbingly alive in the hearts and minds of most white southerners. They had -Blach Ordeal, Blach Freedom 27 always treated black people as their social inferiors and saw no reason ro change. Few members of-the majority race questioned the demeaning etiquelte that accompanied this tradition. when greeting a white person, black southerners were expected to avert their eyes. Blacki were required to address all whites, even adolescents, as ,.Mr.,'i .,Miss,,, or *Mrs.,,, while whites routinely called blacks, whatever their age, by their first names or used such demeaning terms as "boy" or .aunty.,' A large number of fiercely guarded prohibitions and exclusions defined the Jim crow order. whites and blacks were not supposed to drink or d.ine together, in private homes or in restaurants. They did .rot attend the same schools or churches or live in the same neighboihoods. public toilets and drinking fountains were restricted by race. lnd, in nearly every industry, there were strict lines dividing "white" jobs from "black" ones. Behind such rules yT lurking dread of interraciar sexuarity. Many I southern whites viewed black men as possessed of an insatiable dlsire for white women. segregated institutions were designed to keep intimate con[acts across the color line to a minimum. A black man who mad.e a sexual comment to a white woman was considered tantamount to a rapist. The slightest transgression of the code might lead to a lynching tree. The hypocrisy was glaring. In fact, many white men patronized black prostitutes and those who could afford it sometimes took black mistre practices resented by black men and by women of both races. For white women, the pedestal of purity could be an emotional cage. willie Morris, a white writer from Yazoo city, Mississippi, was shockediuring world war II when he encountered a woman of his own race who actuall/enjoyed sex. "I had thought that only Negro women engaged in the act of love wirh white men just for fun."6 segregation enforced injustices that were economic as well as interpersonal. In rural areas, black elementary schools were usually open only during the winter months (when there was no planting or harvesting to be done) and suffered from ill-trained teachers, a paucity of supplies, a'nd crowded classrooms that mixed students of differeni ages. The main housing available to blacks was cheaply built and distant from most sources of employment and commercial recreation. Interracial labor unions were rare in the south, and blacks could seldom find jobs that paid a secure income and held out the possibility of advancemenr. A black Lbor". could teach himself to mas_ tel.a graft such as carpenrry or machine building, only to see a younger white with little or no experience gain a skiiled position and the coveted iage that went with it. As before the civil war, when whites blamed abolitionists for stirring up their slaves, southern authorities after world war II claimed .,their Negroes,, were a contented lot, that-only "outside agitators" with communist procliv_ ities sought to overturn the status quo. But belying such confident words 28 America Divided were the measures taken to keep black people from voting, especially in Deep South states where they were most numerous. Poll taxes were raised or lowered, depending on the race of the applicant. Alabama gave county registrars the power to determine whether prospective voters could "understand and explain any article of the Constitution of the United States" and were of ,,good character and [understood] the duties and obligations of good citizenship under a republican form of government." Mississippi officials came up with ludicrous questions for aspiring registranrs such as "How many bubbles in a bar of soap?"7 As the authorities in rural areas, white registrars set their own working hours, bent election laws at will, and made it as difficult as possible for blacks to acquire the necessary documents. In 1946 a black army veteran from McComb, Mississippi, testified to a congressional committee that a county voting clerk had required him to describe the entire contents of a Democratic primary ballot. The prospective voter was not allowed to see the ballot and so had to decline. The clerk disdainfully rejected his application, telling him "You brush up on your civics and come back."8 Throughout the long decades of Jim Crow, sourhern blacks had fashioned many ways to cope with such outrages. In crossroads towns, 'Juke joints" offered the thrills of liquor, conversation, and a blues whose bent chords and bittersweet lyrics expressed the pains and joys of life at the bottom of society. Sharecroppers moved frequently to find a better landlord or a larger piece of land; a hardy minority saved their money and purchased their own acres. In cities, the protection of numbers led to sporadic street protests and some threats of violence against recalcitrant white authorities.e For a fortunate few, upward mobility was more than a dream. Segregated educational institutions-poorly financed by individual srares and white philanthropies-trained a black elite. At places like Tuskegee Insrirure in Alabama and Morehouse College in Atlanta, men and women studied to be engineers and pharmacists, preachers and social workers, historians and linguists-excited about using their talents but rueful about the restricted sphere allotted to their race. The most durable force in the shaping of the black community was the church. Since emancipation, Protestant congregations had been meeting in converted barns or more prosperous brick structures, the only durable institutions owned and controlled by black people themselves. Free from dependence on white benefactors, black ministers often spoke more freely than did the administrators of black colleges; from the pulpit, they could mobilize their congregations for protest. On the other hand, many a preacher avoided speaking out against injustice, lest it jeopardize his hard-won status. Black churches also helped sponsor a number of black-owned small businesses-community banks, mutual insurance companies, funeral parlors, and newspapers. And it was within church bodies like the National Baptist convention of America Blach Ordeal, Blach Freeilom 29 thar rhousands of brack peopre learned such ski,s as fund-raising and politi_ in secular ro.i"ty. Driving church activities, of course, were matters of the spirit. Black Proresranrism mingred west African styles or *o.riip i"rrr, ,"r,, and denominational creeds initiated by English colonists-par'tr*rrrry Baptism and Methodism' From Africa sprang thJ distinctive emotional tenor of a south_ ern church service. The shouts-from the pews, the calr-and-response rituar that made the sermon a participatory event, and the slmchronized movemen* and singing of the choir all had their origins on the black continent. But min_ isrers drew their morar ressons and soc"iar -.trprrorr-i.;;" King James Bible and Reformarion cal campaigning that were denied them theology. The content of sermons was closely tethered to the black ordeal in Amer_ ica' since the days of slavery, th. ,to.v of Exodus hr; il;;;pecial signifilike the ch,dren of Israel, *"r" ,o."1yi"r,la. ,.r,, some_ day, they would escape to freedom and see their oppressors, rike pharoah, cance; black people, humbled and scorned. The crucifi"io, ,f*uorized the suffering of the right_ eous' especially those who dared to criticize the powerfur, *rrir" the Resur_ rection was glorious proof of divine justice.r0 Regardless of whether a black minister favored open resistance against Jim crow, the rexrs on which he reried gave his p.opi" i";;;;'.",ective re_ demption. A favorite passage came froin rau.sipistle ,"irr"-epn.sians: ,.pur on the whole armor of GoJ, that ye may be abre io ,orra ,guirit the wiles of the devil. For we wresrle not against freri-, und-brood, but against principarities, against powers, againsr spirituai wickedness in high ptu."r.,,?J".r'th"i, worldry status and masrery of christian discourse, it.ratuiatty fell to black preachers like tvtalil Luther King, Jr, and pious laypeopre such as John Lewis, who had attended a seminary, and Fannie t-o, iir-i, to read the freedom movemenr in mosr parrs of the Sourh. well-educated activiss from the No.tf hke stokely carmichael and Bob Moses tended to draw their inspiration from securar sources. The black freedom movement arose at different times anJunfolded at different paces in thousands of communities across the south. onry a few of these could-be sighted, sporadicauy, o,, TV screens during the ,60s. But its remarkable local presence gave the movement the power to transform the na_ tion's law and politics-rr,d_to cataryzeev"ry Iowed it through that decade and otheisr.*r i"rrfficy that for_ into ,t ,r"*,. The supreme cou.rt's ruling in the " Brown case gave black peopre and their northern white allies a jof of .orrra".r.", but it was up to the execu_ tive branch, under the reluctant readership or o*igrr, Eisenhower, to enforce the ruling "with all deliberate ,p""a.,4 iil n.r, ,i!.r-tr,;;;;;;;;;".6 move_ ment could make headwuy ,gui.rrt Crow appeared in 1955, in Mont_ Jim gomery, Alabama_the original capill of the Coniederacy. on December I of that year, a 42-year-ord seamstress and longtime NAACP activist named Rosa parks ..frr"i to give up her seat on a munici_ 30 America Diyided pal bus to a white patron. Bus segregation was a rankling feature of urban life in the South. Blacks were the majority of customers in Montgomery (most whites had cars), but none were hired to drive buses, and they typically had to pay their fare at the front of the vehicle and then get off and enter again through the back. Rosa Parks, who supported her family on $23 a week, had defied the law on several s6s45i6n5-as had a scattering of other black riders, to no avail. But this time would be different. As soon as she heard of Parks's arrest, Jo Ann Robinson, leader of the local Women's Political Council, a black group, wrote a leaflet calling for a boycott of city buses and then stayed up all night to reproduce 50,000 copies. The enthusiastic response she got convinced E. D. Nixon, a union official who led the local NAACP chapter and had bailed Parks out of jail, to help organize the protest. Robinson and Nixon recognized that Rosa Parks was an ideal symbol of the injustices of Jim Crow. She had a high school education but could find ... Purchase answer to see full attachment

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