Expert answer:Critical thinking papers

Solved by verified expert:Critical thinking papers serve to encourage the development of creativity and critical thinking through writing. Three to four pages in length, these assignments require you to dig deeper into a research article or book chapter related to course topics. For this critical thinking paper, you will read “‘The Regular Routine’: Proactive Policing and Adolescent Development Among Young, Poor Black Men” by Jones (2014).You can access a pdf copy of this reading by viewing the uploaded fileIn your critical thinking paper, you will answer the questions posed below. Note: You should type the questions directly into your paper and write your answers below each one. Do not include extra space before or after the questions—simply list them in bold. You will also need to ensure that including the numbered list of questions does not increase the indent of either the questions nor the responses.What aspect of social life does the author focus on? What is the author’s main point or argument?What kind of evidence does the author give to support their point?How does this reading help you understand a current or personal event?Can you think of any counterarguments that would contradict/weaken the author’s main argument? Explain.How does this reading relate what you’ve read/discussed in class so far? Explain.Did you enjoy the reading? Hate it? Explain. Here is your chance to vent! Tell me why you think this reading is a masterpiece or a disaster.Come up with one possible discussion question for class. Explain why you think your question is important, and describe how the author addresses/answers/fails to answer your question.Formatting Guidelines: Use 12pt Times New Roman font, 1″ margins on all sides (no extra indents for either questions or answers), double-spaced, and no extra space between paragraphs (search online for directions to remove the paragraph space if you don’t know how). Your paper should exhibit clear paragraph structure as well as proper spelling and grammar.
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New Directions for
Child and Adolescent
Development
Lene Arnett Jensen
Reed W. Larson
E ditors – in -C hief
William Damon
F ounding E ditor
Pathways to
Adulthood for
Disconnected
Young Men in
Low-Income
Communities
Kevin Roy
Nikki Jones
Editors
Number 143 • Spring 2014
Jossey-Bass
San Francisco
Pathways
to
Adulthood
for
Disconnected
Young
Men
in
L o w -I n c o m e
Communities
Kevin Roy, Nikki Jones (eds.)
New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, no. 143
Lene Arnett Jensen, Reed W. Larson, Editors-in-Chief
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Jones, N. (2014). “The regular routine”: Proactive policing and adolcsccnt development
among young, poor Black men. In K. Roy & N. Jones (Eds.), Pathways to adulthood for
disconnected young men in low-income communities. New Directions in Child and Adolescent
Development, 143, 33-54.
“The Regular Routine”: Proactive Policing
and Adolescent Development Among
Young, Poor Black Men
Nikki Jones
Abstract
Over the last several decades, proactive policing, in which departments use data
on reported crimes to determine where local police officers will target their
surveillance, has increased police contact with residents in certain neighbor­
hoods. Drawing on field research conducted over a three-year period (20072010) among adult and adolescent African American men in a San Francisco
neighborhood with a concentrated poor, Black population, I provide an ethno­
graphic account of routine encounters with the police that structure adolescent
boys’ daily lives in potentially significant ways. I build on Erving Coffmans
discussion of “patterns of mortification” to describe how typical encounters un­
fold in the day-to-day lives of young men and consider the implications of such
encounters for healthy adolescent development. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
New Directions for Chjld and Adolescent Development, no. 143. Spring 2014 © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com). • DOl: 10.1002/cad.20053
33
34 Pathways to Adulthood for Disconnected Young Men
James is a 26-year-old African American man who grew up in San
Francisco’s Fillmore neighborhood. 1 He was born as the crack era
dawned in the city, and he came of age during some of his neighborhood’s most violent periods. Like many poor, Black men under 30,
James has lost friends and family members to the violence of the street—
“just so many of them,” he tells me during a recorded interview. 2 When I
ask if, as an adolescent, he felt like he was in danger of lethal violence, James
says, “Yeah, you know. Just being from where I’m from, and you know, it’s al­
ways something going on. Especially where I’m at, everybody knew that we
had problems with other people in our neighborhood and it got escalated
to a whole other level” that made “everybody [feel] like a target.”
In addition to being vulnerable to violence from other young Black
men, James recalls feeling like a target of local police surveillance. He and
his peers typically perceived the routine police interventions in their neigh­
borhood as harassment. Over time, they “got used to” these interventions
in much the same way they acclimated to the violence in their lives: “We
always didn’t like it [encounters with police], though. We never liked being
harassed; I don’t think nobody like that. You know you have to admit that
you kinda get use to that too. Just gotta find ways to avoid them, you feel
me?”
“Did they stop and frisk you?” I ask.
“Yeah, I been stopped a few times. Regular routine. They got to do the
whole search because I’m on probation.”
As I sat listening to James, I was struck by his use of the phrase “regu­
lar routine.” Describing his encounters with the police this way reveals his
understanding of these interactions as a frequent and disagreeable part of
everyday life, rather than as a periodic, but unpredictable interruption in
the normal activities of men and boys on the block. We can recast “regular
routine” in sociological terms as a set of patterned interactions that structure
the daily lives of young men in the neighborhood. These interactions reflect the
significant changes in police practices that have occurred over the past sev­
eral decades. In many metropolitan areas, police departments have shifted
from relative abdication of duty in poor communities (a common complaint
in the past was that when the police were called, they failed to show up)
to visible penetration into areas like James’s Fillmore neighborhood (see
also Goffman, 2009). One consequence of this trend is that poor, urban
Black men in the United States now have the highest rates of involuntary
police contacts (Brunson & Miller, 2006). In a report to the United States
District Court in 2010, sociologist Jeffrey Fagan concluded that the New
York City police department’s stop-and-frisk activity was concentrated in
precincts with high concentrations of Black and Latino residents and that
“NYPD stops are significantly more frequent for Black and Hispanic citizens
New Directions for Child and Adolescent Developmnent • DOl: 10.1002/Cad
“T he R egular R outine ” 35
than for White citizens” (p. 4). He also found that arrests occur in less than
6% of these cases (see also Rosenbaum, 2007, p. 21).
Other research suggests that “focused police interventions,” which in­
clude “direct patrols, proactive arrests,” and other forms of what is typically
described as problem-oriented or proactive policing, can effectively reduce
crime rates in “hot spot” areas (Braga, 2008). The underlying logic of these
approaches is to focus policing resources on those geographic areas where
much of the reported crime occurs. In San Francisco, serious violence is
concentrated in 2.1% of the city’s 49 square miles. The Lower Fillmore,
where I conducted fieldwork over a continuous two-and-a-half year period,
falls within this 2.1% of geographic space; the neighborhood was identi­
fied in a recent report as one of the five hot spot zones for violence in the
city (Braga, Onek, & Lawrence, 2008; SFVPIU, 2011). In an effort to com­
bat crime and violence in these areas, San Francisco implemented problemoriented interventions, along with other targeted law enforcement practices,
during the period in which I was conducting field research in James’s Fillmore neighborhood (2007-2010).
Proactive policing practices like hot spot policing have produced mixed
results: some evaluations report short-term effects on crime reduction
(Braga, 2008), but the research is still out on whether or not targeted polic­
ing practices prevent crime over the long term (Rosenbaum, 2006, 2007). 3
There are also potential adverse effects of proactive policing practices that
are often overlooked during the course of implementation or evaluation,
including the effect of targeted policing practices on police-community re­
lations. Recent ethnographic research suggests that aggressive, targeted en­
forcement may systematically erode trust in the police, especially among
minority youth who are the frequent targets of these encounters (Brunson
& Miller, 2006; Rosenbaum, 2007): “Hot spots policing, because it has been
operationally defined as aggressive enforcement in specific areas, runs the
risk of weakening police-community relations” (Rosenbaum, 2006, p. 253;
see also Rios, 2011). This risk is especially acute in poor, minority neighbor­
hoods (Bowling, 1999; Brunson & Miller, 2006; Brunson & Weitzer, 2009;
Rosenbaum, 2006; Stewart, 2007).
The erosion of trust in the police is consequential for law-abiding be­
havior. It is now well accepted in criminological circles that trust in the po­
lice is paramount for public safety: people who trust the police tend to obey
the law (Rosenbaum, 2006; Tyler, 2006). Further, researchers have found
that encounters that are perceived as fair and just are likely to strengthen
citizens’ beliefs in the legitimacy of law enforcement (National. Research
Council, 2004). Yet, many studies show that police legitimacy is lower
among minority groups (National Research Council, 2004) and in set­
tings in which proactive policing practices are focused (Brunson & Weitzer,
2009). Frequent searches and the failure to find evidence that would lead
to an arrest exacerbate tension between neighborhood residents and the
New Directions tor Child a n d Adolescent Development • DOI: 10.1002/cad
36
P athways
to
A dulthood
for
D isconnected Y oung M en
police and make young men like James believe that they are arbitrary tar­
gets of police surveillance.
In settings like the Fillmore neighborhood where I lived as well as
conducted my research, many adolescents—and perhaps especially young
Black men—have come to view the police as adversaries. These young men
tend to perceive law enforcement (and adjunct authority figures) as institu­
tional actors who treat them with little respect and who are, in general, out
to get them (Anderson, 1999; Brunson & Miller, 2006). Such beliefs are only
strengthened during the kind of interactions that characterize routine po­
lice surveillance. James’s reference to “the regular routine” highlights what
I observed firsthand: young men in the neighborhood adjust to routine in­
teractions with the police by developing a set of situated strategies designed
to help them avoid trouble with the range of law enforcement figures they
encounter on the street, from gang or narcotics task force officers to housing
security staff. These strategies are deployed with varying degrees of success.
Targeted surveillance practices push some young men almost entirely un­
derground as they work to evade all contact with law enforcement; other
young men sneak in and out of the neighborhood to visit loved ones and
peers. Still others maintain their right to occupy public space. Young Black
men who are not “on the run,” a term used by locals to describe individuals
who are actively avoiding contact with law enforcement (Goffman, 2009),
often congregate on neighborhood street corners. It is this claim on public
space—a claim they are often reluctant to relinquish (Anderson, 1999)—
that positions them as frequent targets of police surveillance.
My field research and interviews with young men in this setting reveals
that targeted policing practices do more than shape their perceptions of
the police in negative ways; targeted policing practices also shape young
people’s life space—affecting what they do, where, and with whom. This
finding holds not only for those with official criminal histories, but also
for other young people in the neighborhood. Developmental psychologists
highlight the significant relationship between “life space”—a term used by
psychologists to describe the environment that surrounds an individual—
and healthy adolescent development this way: “How young people spend
their waking hours defines the fund of developmental experiences in each
culture; they circumscribe what a boy or girl learns, and for better or worse,
shape the men and women these children become” (Larson & Richards,
1989, p. 502). If this is true, then for young Black men who live in highsurveillance neighborhoods, law enforcement officers are now key agents
of socialization with a level of authority that may surpass that of teachers,
pastors, or parents.
Targeted police practices thus potentially have serious institutional, so­
cial, and psychological consequences for adolescent boys as they transition
into adulthood. Yet, we know very little about these patterns or their ef­
fects. Young mens encounters with law enforcement are rarely subject to
observation or evaluation by outsiders. Consequently, adolescent boys must
New Directions tor Child and Adolescent Development • DOl: 10.1002/cad
‘T he R egular R outine ’’ 37
learn to negotiate directly with police officers who may be a decade or more
their senior and who have the authority to use lethal violence. To what ex­
tent these experiences shape young mens behaviors and beliefs is unclear,
since few researchers have systematically examined how popular policing
interventions impact adolescent development.
In this chapter, I contribute to this understudied area of how proactive
policing practices shape contemporary adolescence by providing an ethno­
graphic account of the routine encounters that occur in public between
young men and the police. I draw on data from multiple sources. Some
encounters I observed directly; some information I gathered either by lis­
tening to stories of encounters as they were shared among neighborhood
residents or learned through formal and informal interviews with locals;
and some observations are from a collection of third-party video records
(Jones & Raymond, 2012) acquired during the course of my field research
in the neighborhood. The recordings were originally collected by Raymond
Washington, an African American man who lives in the neighborhood and
has used a hand-held digital video camera to record encounters between
police and residents for several years. Here, I use transcriptions of selected
videos from this archive to illustrate key concepts related to routine encoun­
ters between young Black men and the police.
My goal in the pages that follow is to offer a new way to think about the
impact of routine encounters between police and citizens, especially minor­
ity adolescent males. Instead of asking whether or not targeted surveillance
strategies are effective from the perspective of law enforcement, I ask how
routine encounters with police on neighborhood streets might influence
the healthy development of local adolescents, including both those who are
directly involved in interactions with police and those who witness these
frequent encounters. How might the regular exposure to such practices in­
fluence a young person’s developing sense of self (Mead, 1934/1967)? How
might such regular interventions shape the daily developmental contexts
or the life space (Larson & Richards, 1989) of young men like James? I be­
gin below by briefly describing the field research setting and data collection
methods.
Setting and Method
I took up residence in San Francisco’s Fillmore neighborhood in July 2007,
less than two weeks after seven people were wounded in a series of early
morning shootings, and several months before a permanent gang injunction
was issued. That injunction, issued by the city attorney working in collabo­
ration with local law enforcement, restricts the behavior of over 40 alleged
gang members in the area around three housing complexes that all occupy
the same block in the Western Addition (this is the larger city district of
which the Lower Fillmore is a part). Over half of the men listed as gang
members in the Western Addition injunction were between the ages of 18
New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development • DOl: 10. 1002/cad
38 P athways
to
A dulthood
for
D isconnected Y oung M en
and 25 when the injunction took effect. Approximately 90% were 30 years
old or younger.
I gained entree into the neighborhood, and into a small network of
men who were working to change their lives, after meeting Eric, an African
American man now in his thirties, who had spent the bulk of his adolescence working as a drug dealer in the neighborhood. He had once been part
of one of the “gangs” named in the injunction, but Eric is now on a mis­
sion to make good. He runs Brothers Changing the Hood (BCH), a small
nonprofit organization whose volunteers, mostly other men who are trying
to change their lives, work to save Black men in the neighborhood from
the violence of the street and to free them from the grip of the criminal
justice system. My early introduction to Eric led to 18 months of partici­
pant observation with his small organization. In 2008, I helped BCH secure
a small grant from the city to conduct outreach with young men named
on the neighborhood gang injunction. Our work intensified over this pe­
riod as I watched Eric use his personal networks to gain access to these
individuals, their peers, and family members. I followed Eric’s work closely
over this 18-month period and continued to follow his work after the grant
period ended. In addition to taking copious field notes (about 1000 pages
of hand-written field notes), I also conducted one-on-one and group in­
terviews with adult and adolescent men in Eric’s network, including four
young men named in the neighborhoods gang injunction. The findings pre­
sented here are drawn from data collected over this time period.
Living Under the Gaze of Law Enforcement
For most Americans, encounters with law enforcement are infrequent and
typically limited to brief …
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