Expert answer:Philosophy final essay
Solved by verified expert:Part 1In 2-3 pages write an essay. Using Slumming It from week 10, consider the housing development plans for Dharavi. Pretend you are now Plato’s Philosopher King or biblically the wise King Solomon. It is your job to make a determination for the fate of Dharavi. Do you allow for the housing towers to be built and for the slums to be destroyed? Try to be realistic in your response. If you want to keep the slum but make improvements within it, consider there will be an expense which must be paid and an unhappy investor who wants to make a lot of money on that land. If you destroy the slum, you will need to find places for all of these people or they will end up homeless in the streets of Mumbai. We are not pretending to be a genie in a lamp but a leader. Do an analysis using three of the normative theories of your choosing. The analysis using the theories are much more important than your conclusion. Part 2In a second essay use the Case Study: Female Genital Cutting on page 15 of the textbook. Use a different three normative theories to do an analysis of the issue. There should be a concise introduction and conclusion in addition to the body of the text. The essay can be a paragraph per theory. The analysis should be about 2 pages in length total depending on the theories. The normative theories of ethics are:Virtue EthicsUtilitarianismDeontology (Kant)Rights TheoryEthics of CareEgoismNatural Ethics In your conclusion, you may give your opinion which of the methods you believe is the best approach. Please do not make this a 2 page opinion piece but instead a 1.75 page analysis with a .25 page opinion at the end. You will be graded much more heavily on your analysis than your opinion. In addition, please do not use the little space you have to summarize the documentary for me. I’ve seen it. Use examples specifically and quotes when possible. Each of the normative theories has principles and specific vocabulary which you need to be using when doing an analysis.
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2
CASE STUDIES FOR GLOBAL ETHICS
Global ethics is an academic forum for philosophical debate that is not separate from the real world. Rather,
it is fundamentally about practice: about how to make the world more just and overcome exploitation and
injustice. Global ethics cannot, therefore, be done in a vacuum or an academic ivory tower but must be
connected with real-world injustice. Accordingly, global ethicists must think about not just the consistency of
their arguments but also the impact of what they say and do to actual people and policy. To this end, and to
ensure we think about practice and the implications of our theorizing even in the theoretical section of the
book, case studies will be used. There are three case studies – on FGC, the buying of body parts and torture –
which will be used to illustrate the theories and arguments that are put forward in Chapters 3, 4 and 5.
Introducing case studies in these chapters shows how the theory and practice interconnect and how important
theoretical tools are to addressing real-world practices of injustice.
The case studies are intended to be returned to time and time again as you progress through the book and
develop your knowledge of global ethics. They can be used in different ways and in conjunction with
different chapters. You might find it useful to look at them first – before you have learnt the theories of
global ethics – simply to get an initial and untutored reaction. While you will not be able to answer all the
questions that follow until you have progressed further, nor understand the moral theories referred to in the
questions, you will have a first response that you will find exceptionally useful in working out how you feel
about an issue. It may also be useful to return to the case studies when you work through chapters that
address related concerns: the torture case study when you look at war in Chapter 8; the body part case study
when you look at bioethics in Chapter 9; and the female genital cutting (FGC) case study when you consider
gender justice in Chapter 11. Finally, you may also wish to return to the case studies when you have
completed the book in order to see how much your views have changed and how you have progressed and
developed your thinking and expertise in global ethics.
These three cases were chosen because they are timely and particularly useful for understanding the
complexity of global-ethics arguments. Undoubtedly, there could have been many more; we could have
considered problems of aid in conflict zones, drug trials in the developing world, wearing of the “veil”,
ethical shopping and sweatshops, and the patenting of drugs. Developing these as test cases along the lines of
the three following case studies could be a useful exercise in seeing the connections between different areas
of injustice in global ethics.
These topics are nonetheless developed and discussed in various chapters of this volume. Other topics that
are discussed and which could be worked up into global-ethics case studies are: existing and proposed
structures of global governance (Chapter 6); aid in conflict zones and fair-trade initiatives (Chapter 7);
military intervention in a foreign conflict or crisis on humanitarian grounds (Chapter 8); drug trials in the
developing world and the patenting of drugs (Chapter 9); richer nations’ industrial pollution and its
environmental impact on poorer ones (Chapter 10); and rape in war and forced marriages (Chapter 11).
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law.
CASE STUDY FEMALE GENITAL CUTTING
“Female genital mutilation” (FGM), “female circumcision”, “female genital cutting” (FGC) and
“clitoridectomy” are all phrases that refer to procedures that involve the partial or total removal of the
external female genitalia for non-medical reasons. The term we use is not value neutral: the label “FGM” is
used by those critical of the procedure (“mutilation” being a wholly negative term); female circumcision is
used by those who support or are at least more tolerant of the practice. The term “female genital cutting”, or
FGC, comes somewhere in the middle of these. Just as the terminology is not value neutral, it is hard to get
neutral facts and information on this practice (like many ethically concerning practices that are addressed in
global ethics).
The World Health Organization (WHO) distinguishes four types of this procedure:
•
partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the prepuce (clitoridectomy);
•
partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora
(excision);
•
narrowing of the vaginal orifice by creating a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia
minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation);
•
all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example pricking,
piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization.
FGC is usually carried out on girls under fifteen and the WHO estimates that 100–140 million girls and
women have undergone one of the first three forms of this procedure and that around 3 million girls are at
risk of such a procedure. Instances of FGC have been reported worldwide: however, it most commonly
occurs in western, eastern and north-eastern regions of Africa, parts of Asia and the Middle East and in
immigrant communities from these locations elsewhere. In Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Mali, Sierra Leone,
Somalia and the Republic of Sudan (formerly northern Sudan) the practice is almost universal and Burkina
Faso, Ethiopia, Gambia and Mauritania all have rates of over 70 per cent.
FGC is a traumatic procedure (usually girls are pinned down and it is often carried out in medically unsafe
environments and with unsafe equipment, which leads to infection). Long-term documented health risks
include pain, lack of sexual feeling, ongoing infections and psychological trauma. In addition, FGC increases
risks in childbirth (e.g. post-partum haemorrhaging) and even increases the likelihood of death of newborn
babies immediately after birth. For these reasons FGC is opposed by many international organizations
including the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the UN Development Fund for Women
(UNIFEM), the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the UN Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the UN Human Rights Council (UNHR) and the Economic Commission
for Africa.
Despite such critiques, FGC continues to be practised and supported by some groups. Many reasons are
given for support of the practice, including health, culture and religion, but it is likely that the most
significant factor in whether or not a girl undergoes the practice is ethnicity. In places where it is widely
practised, it is likely to be supported by both men and women, and those who depart from the practice face
social ostracism and condemnation. In such groups, FGC appears to be socially demanded and regarded as
socially beneficial and important for a girl coming of age and being prepared for marriage. Thus many girls
are proud to undergo the procedure because it signals their transformation to womanhood and without it they
may be unable to find a husband; therefore it has implications for economic security. In such groups, FGC is
regarded as protecting and preserving a woman’s virginity (premarriage) and modesty and proper behaviour
(post-marriage) as well as being linked to cleanliness and ideals of feminine beauty. Religious reasons are
also given by those who practise FGC, although there is no definitive support for this practice from religious
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texts, and religious leaders differ in their approach. Moreover, the practice is found among Christians, Jews
and Muslims but in no case is it seen as required by all adherents of the religion in question in different
cultures (Boxes 2.1, 2.2).
Box 2.1 Hannah Koroma, Sierra Leone
“I was genitally mutilated at the age of ten. I was told by my late grandmother that they were taking me down to the
river to perform a certain ceremony, and afterwards I would be given a lot of food to eat. As an innocent child, I was
led like a sheep to be slaughtered. Once I entered the secret bush, I was taken to a very dark room and undressed. I
was blindfolded and stripped naked. I was then carried by two strong women to the site for the operation. I was
forced to lie flat on my back by four strong women, two holding tight to each leg. Another woman sat on my chest
to prevent my upper body from moving. A piece of cloth was forced in my mouth to stop me screaming. I was then
shaved. When the operation began, I put up a big fight. The pain was terrible and unbearable. During this fight, I
was badly cut and lost blood. All those who took part in the operation were half-drunk with alcohol. Others were
dancing and singing, and worst of all, had stripped naked. I was genitally mutilated with a blunt penknife. After the
operation, no one was allowed to aid me to walk. The stuff they put on my wound stank and was painful. These
were terrible times for me. Each time I wanted to urinate, I was forced to stand upright. The urine would spread over
the wound and would cause fresh pain all over again. Sometimes I had to force myself not to urinate for fear of the
terrible pain. I was not given any anaesthetic in the operation to reduce my pain, nor any antibiotics to fight against
infection. Afterwards, I haemorrhaged and became anaemic. This was attributed to witchcraft. I suffered for a long
time from acute vaginal infections.”
(Amnesty International 1997)
Box 2.2 Voices in favour of female genital cutting
“The abolition of female genital cutting will ‘destroy the tribal system’.”
(Kenyatta [President of Kenya] 1938)
“We are circumcised and insist on circumcising our daughters so that there is no mixing between male and female.
An uncircumcised woman is put to shame by her husband, who calls her ‘you with the clitoris’. People say she is
like a man. Her organ would prick the man.”
An Egyptian mother (in Assad 1980)
“Circumcision makes women clean, promotes virginity and chastity and guards young girls from sexual frustration
by deadening their sexual appetite.”
Mrs Njeri, a Kenyan elder (in Katumba 1990)
This case study is discussed in Chapter 3. In addition the following questions may be useful in helping to
explore this case study.
QUESTIONS
1. What are the key ethical issues raised by FGC? Do these change depending on whether one adopts
utilitarian, deontological or virtue theories (as outlined in Chapter 3)?
2. Do you think FGC should ever be permitted? On what grounds and in what circumstances?
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3. Are some forms of FGC acceptable and others not? If so, what are the reasons?
4. Whose views are important in working out what is ethical? For instance, is it the girls who will undergo
the procedures, the groups they come from, medical experts, human-rights activists or others?
5. How can the norms and values of different cultures be respected and human rights protected?
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FURTHER READING
•
Amnesty
International.
“What
is
Female
Genital
www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/ACT77/006/1997 (accessed May2011).
•
Assaad, M. B. “Female Circumcision in Egypt: Social Implications, Current Research and Prospects for
Change”. Studies in Family Planning 11 (1980): 3–16.
•
Bowman, K. “Bridging the Gap in the Hopes of Ending Female Genital Cutting”. Santa Clara Journal of
International Law 3 (2004): 132–63.
•
Kenyatta, J.Facing Mount Kenya: The Tribal Life of the Kikuyu (London: Secker & Warburg, 1938).
•
UN Women. “Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: An Interagency Statement”. www.unifem.
org/materials/item_detail.php?ProductID=110 (accessed May2011).
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Mutilation?”(1997).
20
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law.
CASE STUDY BUYING AND SELLING BODY PARTS
Attaining accurate facts and figures regarding the black and grey market in body parts is exceptionally
difficult. Nonetheless, it is clear that the market is growing rapidly and that it is global. More people are
selling their body parts to people from across the globe; body parts that are bought and sold include kidneys,
eggs, sperm, blood and plasma (Boxs 2.3, 2.4, 2.5). This market is sometimes illegal, for example the
harvesting of body parts from unsuspecting donors or the sale of parts in countries where such sale is illegal;
sometimes it is completely legal, for example the selling of eggs in the US; and sometimes it is “grey”, for
example practices of infertility clinics in the Mediterranean where “all expenses paid holidays” also provide
opportunities for egg-selling. The illegal side of the organ trade and its links with organized crime have put
the topic firmly in the public domain and it is a common topic for television, films and discussion as well as
an issue for policy-makers. Just as with the case study of FGC, the language is important: terms like “donor”
are often used even when what is really being described is a “sale”, for instance in the term “paid donation”
(a contradiction in terms).
Despite the difficulties, some figures are available. For instance, a 2003 Punjab government inquiry
estimated that nearly 3500 people from Sargodha had sold their kidneys through the 1990s to buyers from
around the world. In 2006 the BBC conducted an undercover investigation that suggested that China was
routinely selling organs of prisoners on death row: under the pretence of seeking a liver for his sick father,
the journalist reported that “one hospital said it could provide a liver at a cost of £50,000 (US$94,400), with
the chief surgeon confirming an executed prisoner could be the donor“. Whatever else it may be, the market
in body parts is hugely lucrative, particularly for medical merchants and middlemen who broker deals
between buyers and sellers. For instance, a 2004 WHO report (Nullis-Kapp 2004) reports medical brokers
charging between US$100,000 and US$200,000 to organize a transplant while paying the ”donors“ as little as
US$1000.
Box 2.3 The effects on donors of legal “paid kidney donation”
Egypt
•
78 per cent reported deterioration in health status.
•
78 per cent spent the money within five months of their donation.
India
•
86 per cent reported deterioration in health status.
•
96 per cent sold their kidneys to pay off debts and 75 per cent were still in debt at the time of the survey.
Iran
•
58 per cent reported negative effects on their health status.
•
65 per cent failed to get out of debt.
(From Shimazono 2007)
Those who support organ sale argue that it is a win-win situation. The buyers win because they are able to
access an organ or other body part that they greatly desire and which is either necessary for their survival
(e.g. in kidney sale) or essential to meeting an important need (e.g. for sperm or eggs). The vendors win in
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that they are paid significant amounts of money that otherwise would be unattainable. They can then use this
money to make significant differences to their own and their family’s situations. But the claim that vendors
always win is not borne out by the evidence (see Box 2.4).
Box 2.4 Voices of kidney vendors and purchasers
“We are worse than prostitutes because we have sold something we can never get back.”
A kidney seller (in Scheper-Hughes 2003b)
Mohammed, aged twenty-five, was a casual labourer in Delhi (sending money home to Gujarat). His kidneys were
taken by force:
“He said, he was approached by a bearded man as he waited at the early-morning labor market by the Old Delhi
train station. The man offered him an unusually generous deal: one and a half months work painting, for 150 rupees
a day, with free food and lodging.
“He was driven four or five hours away, to a secluded bungalow, surrounded by trees, where he was placed in a
room with four other young men, under the watch of two armed guards. ‘When I asked why I had been locked
inside, the guards slapped me and said they would shoot me if I asked any more questions,’ Mohammed said, lying
in his hospital bed, wrapped in an orange blanket, clenching his teeth and shutting his eyes in pain. He said the men
were given food to cook for themselves and periodically nurses would come to take blood samples from them.
“One by one they were taken away for surgery. ‘They told us not to speak to each other or we would pay with our
lives,’ he said. ‘I was the last one to be taken.’”
Mohammed, from Gurgaon, India (in Gentleman 2008)
“Avraham, a retired lawyer in Jerusalem, explained why he went through considerable expense and danger to travel
to Eastern Europe to purchase a kidney from a rural worker rather than wait in line for a cadaver organ in Israel:
‘Why should I have to wait years for a kidney from someone who was in a car accident, pinned under the car for
many hours, then in miserable condition in the intensive care unit for days and only then, after all that trauma, have
that same organ put inside me? That organ is not going to be any good! Or, even worse, I could get the organ of an
elderly person, or an alcoholic, or a person who died of a stroke. It’s far better to get a kidney from a healthy person
who can also benefit from the money I can afford to pay.’”
Avraham, an Israeli buyer (in Scheper-Hughes 2003a)
In other areas the data ar …
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