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Solved by verified expert:i wrote a paper and the professor gave me a comments on it here is the paper in the attached this was the instructions: :The paper is 5-8 pages long and covers a specific contemporary issue that can serve as an example of a general theory of political economy. The paper will be written by referencing at least two academic political science articles and at least three newspaper or other journalistic sources.The specific assignment:I will provide you with three pairs of academic political science articles. Each pair contains two articles that address a similar question. Pick one of the pairs. Then, write a paper about the issue that the pair of papers addresses.Your paper should:Summarize and explain the two articles (this part might be about 3-4 pages)State and explain the research question that both papers address (it’s the same for both papers).Explain each paper’s hypothesis.Describe the independent variables and dependent variable for each paper.Describe each paper’s basic findings and conclusion.Explain the different conclusions that the two articles reach (this part might be about 1 page)Evaluate the differences between the two articles by describing a contemporary situation, using at least three news articles (this part might be about 1-2 pages)5-8 pages, double-spaced, not including references.Cite the two papers and and least three news articles from mainstream news sources (the sources do not need to be U.S.-based). For each news source you use that is at all unfamiliar, include a footnote in which you establish that it is a reputable source.Use complete citations using a conventional format.Option 1: Does racism or economic insecurity drive support for anti-immigrant parties?Rydgren, Jens. “Immigration sceptics, xenophobes or racists? Radical right‐wing voting in six West European countries.” European Journal of Political Research 47.6 (2008): 737-765.Lucassen, Geertje, and Marcel Lubbers. “Who fears what? Explaining far-right-wing preference in Europe by distinguishing perceived cultural and economic ethnic threats.” Comparative Political Studies 45.5 (2012): 547-574.here what i want you to fix this is what the professor told me about my paper :This is a good start. You have the basic outlines of the article correct. For the last part of your paper I am looking for a discussion of current events, not more research. So, pick a country (maybe the United States) and try to figure out what each of the two authors you read would say about a recent event (like the election of Donald Trump)
draft_of_the_secound_paper_pol360__1_.docx

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Dai mogharbil
November 5, 2017
Pol-360
Option 1: Does racism or economic insecurity drive support for antiimmigrant parties?
Summary of the articles
Far right political inclinations and voting patterns could be one of the trends that are
common in the European nations. The two articles selected for this study seeks to clarify just
the factors that might explain the pattern that has so far been witnessed in this respect. And
that is the question as to what is the motivation behind the far right wing preferences when it
comes to the mater, voting.
The first article by Jens Rydgren, seeks to make a clarification between immigration
scepticism and xenophobia, and how differently they influence voting patterns with regard to
the far right wing political inclinations and beliefs. In the investigation conducted to clarify
the belief that earlier researchers had put forth regarding the equivalence between the effects
of immigration scepticism with xenophobia or even racism, Rydgren comes to a divergent
conclusion. He observes that most of the right sided parties in the European countries are
much more dependent on immigration scepticism rather than the initial belief that it is
dependent on xenophobic attitude, (Rydgren, 2008) as had earlier been believed. Initially the
researchers had identified four themes that form the basic blocks of influence that would
explain the part played by immigration in determining far right influences. These four pillars
are that immigration is: a threat to national identity; a major cause of criminality and social
unrest; a cause of unemployment; and that immigrants are abusers of social welfare state
(Rydgren, 2008).
THE DETERMINANTS OF RIGHT WING VOTING PATTERNS
2
Rydgren later however realizes that in as much as the issue immigration is much
related to to the far right voting inclinations, it is just a part of other matters that also chip in
their contributions in this regard. It is however at centre of the radical right-wing parties’
political programmes and dominates the images voters have of these parties (Mudde, 1999).
Rydgren also debugs the notion that the earlier researchers had put forth concerning
xenophobic behaviours. He comes to the following conclusion that though xenophobic beliefs
has it that like kinds of people attracts each other and can coexist freely and that different
races living together can lead to development of hostility, the hostility however, is found to
be closely connected with the migrants getting too close into the geographical or social space.
He also categorically state that what exacerbate hostility towards the immigrant is the ‘quest’
to protect and give priority to national identity. He then make mention of the other two facets
of looking into how immigration can contribute to radical right voting. The first of these is
ethno-pluralism which states that in order to preserve the unique national characters of
different peoples, they have to be kept separated; mixing different ethnicities only leads to
cultural extinction (Griffin, 2000). The second is ethno-nationalism in which the nation is
defined in terms of ethnicity.
He concludes his research by disambiguating the earlier notion of the significance of
xenophobic attitudes in defining far right voting pattern. Contrary to what had earlier been
upheld, he realizes, according to his evaluation, that xenophobic attitudes are not as strong
compared to ethnic scepticism, in determining far right voting patterns.
The second article furthered by Lucassen and Lubbers basically looks at how
differently perceived economic and/or cultural ethnic threats contribute to, and determine farright-wing preferences during voting. It also examines the extent to which these threats and
their relation with far-right-wing preference are affected by individual and contextual
socioeconomic circumstances. The study identifies the premise upon which far right
THE DETERMINANTS OF RIGHT WING VOTING PATTERNS
3
preferences are based on to be anti-immigrant or anti-immigration standpoint. They argue
that the unfavourable attitudes towards immigration are induced by experiences of threats
from immigrants, both economically and culturally. They then set in for an investigation on
the effects of the two, and contrary to earlier belief by researcher, they establish the
difference in them, even though they had been earlier viewed as a single factor. They realised
that economic and cultural ethnic threats independently affect prejudice and euro-scepticism.
They also found out that perceived threats to cultural identity are more likely to evoke
exclusionary reactions than those to economic well-being (Lucassen & Lubbers, 2012). This,
they say is because cultural threats to identity are much stronger than economic factors as
Ivarsflaten had earlier argued (Ivarsflaten, 2005). Further, they make it clear that racism and
anti-immigration arise from conflicting values rather than from perceived competition over
material resources, as some researchers had earlier stated (Kinder & Sears, 1981). In the view
of this article, the far right voting pattern is much more determined by cultural threats than
they would be by economic threats.
Research question in both the papers
The two papers may have had different approach and tangent to the question on far
right radical inclinations, yet they seek to address the same issue. The research question that
seems to propel and sweep across both the two article is basically the quest to understand the
factors that determine and shape far right voting patterns with regard to immigration. Put in
other words, it can be said to be an investigation on the role that immigration plays in shaping
radical far right voting patterns, and the facets it assumes in achieving this influence.
Hypotheses
The major hypothesis of the study conducted by Rydgren is to determine the extent to
which anti-immigration attitude influence the voting trends for radical right-wing populist
parties. The research that he conducted helped in bursting this hypothesis and come to a
THE DETERMINANTS OF RIGHT WING VOTING PATTERNS
4
conclusion that the parameters such as immigration scepticism, xenophobia and racism are
different and distinct in their effects on far right voting trends. Further, he states that
xenophobic attitudes, operationalized as being strongly against having an immigrant as a boss
and as being strongly opposed to the idea of a relative marrying an immigrant, were a far less
significant factor than immigration scepticism for predicting who will vote for the radical
right. (Rydgren, Immigration sceptics, xenophobes or racists? Radical right-wing, 2008)
On the other hand the major hypothesis of the paper by Lucassen and Lubbers is to
determine how different the perceived cultural and economic ethnic threats from immigration
will have sway on the far right voting pattern. Their study lead to a conclusion that the
perceived cultural threats are stronger compared to their economic counterparts.
Dependent and independent variables
The dependent variable for both the papers is somewhat common. And this is the
major question that both the papers try to address, which is the far right voting pattern. For
the paper by Rydgren, the independent variables that help in determining the corresponding
dependent variable are xenophobia, immigration scepticism and racism. The extent to which
each influence the far right voting pattern differ, with immigration scepticism being the
greatest determinant. Xenophobia in itself is not a threat so long as the migrant does not
encroach into the natives’ geographical or social space.
The second article written by Lucassen and Lubbers has its independent variables that
are tested to evaluate their effects on the dependent variable as perceived economic and
cultural threats. The effects of perceived cultural threat is far greater on determining the
voting patterns than the economic threats. This is because most far right political parties have
one of their avowed task being protection of their cultural practices. Anything therefore that
is perceived to threaten their cultural affiliations is likely to be opposed. On the contrary the
THE DETERMINANTS OF RIGHT WING VOTING PATTERNS
5
studies shows that economic threats have limited sway as far as determining far right voting
preferences is concerned.
Findings and conclusions
The paper by Rydgren shows with certainty that the radical far right political voting
affiliations are determined majorly by the immigration scepticism. Similarly, it draws a line
of distinction between the earlier merged parameters of immigration scepticism, xenophobia
and racism. On the second article, the conclusion made is that threats to cultural values will
greatly determine far right voting patterns than would economic threats. These conclusions
have been reached on considering the various test points all of which were based on the
independent variables.
The study of the trend that is seen in the voting trends affiliated to the radical right
political parties seems to inspire many researchers. The conclusions that they come up with
are also concurrent with that which the given set of articles address. For instance, Michael
Savelkoul, Joran Laméris and Jochem Tolsma conducted a study in Netherlands and came up
with the conclusion that “The reason why residents of ethnically dense neighbourhoods are
more attracted to the rhetoric of the radical right is because they see non-Western migrants as
a threat to their neighbourhood. This is particularly true for residents who do not mingle with
their non-coethnic neighbours.1” (Savelkoul , Laméris , & Tolsma, 2017)
Another article that also addresses the same issue with a research conducted in
Germany with the German right wing political AFD at the centre. The following conclusion
is made based on the research conducted. “In sum, right-wing political attitudes concerning
immigration, political dissatisfaction, fears of personal economic decline, as well as gender and
1
The first contemporary article that addresses the Issue of right wing voting pattern from European
Sociological review
THE DETERMINANTS OF RIGHT WING VOTING PATTERNS
6
socialization effects make up the list of the most relevant explanatory variables.” 2 (Goerres,
Spies, & Kumlin, 2017) Which still reinforces the issues that have so far been identified to affect
far right voting patterns.
Another article that also addresses the issues that surrounds far voting pattern is based on
a research done by Rydgren,in which he focusses on populism as a facet of identification for the
right wing radical political parties. Over and above, the element that overrides his discussion is
the fact that cultural threats are a central determinant in right wing voting trends. (Rydgren,
2017)3
2
From University of Oslo and Institute for Social Research
An article by Rydgren published in 2017. Check from the link http://www.jbeplatform.com/content/journals/10.1075/jlp.17024.ryd
3
THE DETERMINANTS OF RIGHT WING VOTING PATTERNS
7
References
Goerres, A., Spies, D., & Kumlin, S. (2017). The Electoral Supporter Base of the Alternative
for Germany: an Analysis of a Panel Study of German Voters in 2015-16. Oslo:
Institute for Social Research.
Griffin, R. (2000). Interregnum or endgame? Radical right thought in the ‘post-fascist’ era.
Journal of Political Ideologies, 163–178.
Ivarsflaten, E. (2005). The vulnerable populist right parties: No economic realignment
fuelling their electoral success. European Journal of Political Research, 465-492.
Kinder, D. R., & Sears, D. O. (1981). Prejudice and politics: Symbolic racism versus racial
threats to the good life. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 336-353.
Lucassen, G., & Lubbers, M. (2012). Who Fears What? Explaining Far-Right-Wing
Preference in Europe by Distinguishing Perceived Cultural and Economic Ethnic
Threats. Comparative Political Studies, 547–574.
Mudde, C. (1999). The single-issue party thesis: Extreme right parties and the immigration.
West European Politics, 182–197.
Rydgren, J. (2008). Immigration sceptics, xenophobes or racists? Radical right-wing.
European Journal of Political Research, 737-765.
Rydgren, J. (2017, June 12). Radical right-wing parties in Europe: What’s populism got to do
with it? Journal of Language and Politics, 16(4), 485-496.
Savelkoul , M., Laméris , J., & Tolsma, J. (2017, January 13). Neighbourhood Ethnic
Composition and Voting for the Radical Right in The Netherlands. The Role of
Perceived Neighbourhood Threat and Interethnic Neighbourhood Contact. European
Sociological Review, 33(2), 209-224.

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