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(Course Name: Leadership, Negotiation, and Conflict Resolution)
Book: The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli (ebook is attached)
Professors Requirements:
This book offers the reader insight into leadership and organizations where we
might define the latter in terms of an army, a community, a political entity. It
may be viewed as dark treatises but it may also been seen as shining a light
upon virtue in the sense that lessons can be learned, pitfalls avoided, and
intellectualism and creativity encouraged. Many have read this book and just
as many have commented on them. There is no shortage of discussions on
the internet.
Please understand that I am not asking you to write a book
review. Rather, I am asking you to write on each of the
following points: (only focus on these points!!)
•
What is the proper role of a leader and what are their obligations as such?
•
What is the proper role of the follower and what are their obligations as
such?
•
What do these readings inspire in you as strategies to maintain the
complex/formal organization as we have studied it this semester?
Discuss in your paper, one additional point from your choice of book that
you consider to be a valuable “takeaway”. Explain why it is important to
you.
•
As you address these points, you must draw quotes from the book
that supports your reasoning. You may draw information from
published sources to support your rationale but you must prepare a reference
page and cite those sources properly within your text.
This is to be an APA formatted paper. I expect to see a cover page, an
abstract or executive summary, a Table of Contents, a properly formatted
body of your written work, and a reference page/s.
I envision this paper being no longer than 10 double-spaced typed pages using
a standard 11 or 12 point font with 1 inch left, right, top and bottom margins.
(The 10 pages do not include cover page, abstract/executive summary, table
of contents and references.)
The Prince
by Nicolo Machiavelli
Written c. 1505, published 1515
Translated by W. K. Marriott
The Original Version of this Text was
Rendered into HTML by Jon Roland
of the Constitution Society
http://constitution.org
Converted to PDF by Danny Stone
as a Community Service to the Constitution Society
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Nicolo Machiavelli
CHAPTER I
How Many Kinds Of Principalities There
Are, And By What Means They Are
Acquired
A
LL STATES,
all powers, that have held and
hold rule over men have been and are
either republics or principalities.
Principalities are either hereditary, in which the
family has been long established; or they are new.
The new are either entirely new, as was Milan to
Francesco Sforza, or they are, as it were, members
annexed to the hereditary state of the prince who
has acquired them, as was the kingdom of Naples
to that of the King of Spain.
Such dominions thus acquired are either
accustomed to live under a prince, or to live in
freedom; and are acquired either by the arms of the
prince himself, or of others, or else by fortune or
by ability.
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Nicolo Machiavelli
CHAPTER II
Concerning Hereditary Principalities
I
WILL leave out all discussion on republics,
inasmuch as in another place I have written of
them at length, 1 and will address myself only
to principalities. In doing so I will keep to the
order indicated above, and discuss how such
principalities are to be ruled and preserved.
I say at once there are fewer difficulties in
holding hereditary states, and those long
accustomed to the family of their prince, than new
ones; for it is sufficient only not to transgress the
customs of his ancestors, and to deal prudently
with circumstances as they arise, for a prince of
average powers to maintain himself in his state,
unless he be deprived of it by some extraordinary
and excessive force; and if he should be so
deprived of it, whenever anything sinister happens
to the usurper, he will regain it.
We have in Italy, for example, the Duke of
Ferrara, who could not have withstood the attacks
of the Venetians in ’84, nor those of Pope Julius in
’10, unless he had been long established in his
dominions. For the hereditary prince has less cause
and less necessity to offend; hence it happens that
he will be more loved; and unless extraordinary
vices cause him to be hated, it is reasonable to
1 Discourses.
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Nicolo Machiavelli
expect that his subjects will be naturally well
disposed towards him; and in the antiquity and
duration of his rule the memories and motives that
make for change are lost, for one change always
leaves the toothing for another.
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Nicolo Machiavelli
CHAPTER III
Concerning Mixed Principalities
B
the difficulties occur in a new
principality. And firstly, if it be not
entirely new, but is, as it were, a member
of a state which, taken collectively, may be called
composite, the changes arise chiefly from an
inherent difficulty which there is in all new
principalities; for men change their rulers
willingly, hoping to better themselves, and this
hope induces them to take up arms against him
who rules: wherein they are deceived, because they
afterwards find by experience they have gone from
bad to worse. This follows also on another natural
and common necessity, which always causes a new
prince to burden those who have submitted to him
with his soldiery and with infinite other hardships
which he must put upon his new acquisition.
In this way you have enemies in all those whom
you have injured in seizing that principality, and
you are not able to keep those friends who put you
there because of your not being able to satisfy them
in the way they expected, and you cannot take
strong measures against them, feeling bound to
them. For, although one may be very strong in
armed forces, yet in entering a province one has
always need of the goodwill of the natives.
For these reasons Louis XII, King of France,
UT
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Nicolo Machiavelli
quickly occupied Milan, and as quickly lost it; and
to turn him out the first time it only needed
Lodovico’s own forces; because those who had
opened the gates to him, finding themselves
deceived in their hopes of future benefit, would not
endure the ill-treatment of the new prince. It is
very true that, after acquiring rebellious provinces
a second time, they are not so lightly lost
afterwards, because the prince, with little
reluctance, takes the opportunity of the rebellion to
punish the delinquents, to clear out the suspects,
and to strengthen himself in the weakest places.
Thus to cause France to lose Milan the first time it
was enough for the Duke Lodovico to raise
insurrections on the borders; but to cause him to
lose it a second time it was necessary to bring the
whole world against him, and that his armies
should be defeated and driven out of Italy; which
followed from the causes above mentioned.
Nevertheless Milan was taken from France both
the first and the second time. The general reasons
for the first have been discussed; it remains to
name those for the second, and to see what
resources he had, and what any one in his situation
would have had for maintaining himself more
securely in his acquisition than did the King of
France.
Now I say that those dominions which, when
acquired, are added to an ancient state by him who
acquires them, are either of the same country and
language, or they are not. When they are, it is
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Nicolo Machiavelli
easier to hold them, especially when they have not
been accustomed to self-government; and to hold
them securely it is enough to have destroyed the
family of the prince who was ruling them; because
the two peoples, preserving in other things the old
conditions, and not being unlike in customs, will
live quietly together, as one has seen in Brittany,
Burgundy, Gascony, and Normandy, which have
been bound to France for so long a time: and,
although there may be some difference in
language, nevertheless the customs are alike, and
the people will easily be able to get on amongst
themselves. He who has annexed them, if he
wishes to hold them, has only to bear in mind two
considerations: the one, that the family of their
former lord is extinguished; the other, that neither
their laws nor their taxes are altered, so that in a
very short time they will become entirely one body
with the old principality.
But when states are acquired in a country
differing in language, customs, or laws, there are
difficulties, and good fortune and great energy are
needed to hold them, and one of the greatest and
most real helps would be that he who has acquired
them should go and reside there. This would make
his position more secure and durable, as it has
made that of the Turk in Greece, who,
notwithstanding all the other measures taken by
him for holding that state, if he had not settled
there, would not have been able to keep it.
Because, if one is on the spot, disorders are seen as
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Nicolo Machiavelli
they spring up, and one can quickly remedy them;
but if one is not at hand, they heard of only when
they are one can no longer remedy them. Besides
this, the country is not pillaged by your officials;
the subjects are satisfied by prompt recourse to the
prince; thus, wishing to be good, they have more
cause to love him, and wishing to be otherwise, to
fear him. He who would attack that state from the
outside must have the utmost caution; as long as
the prince resides there it can only be wrested from
him with the greatest difficulty.
The other and better course is to send colonies
to one or two places, which may be as keys to that
state, for it necessary either to do this or else to
keep there a great number of cavalry and infantry.
A prince does not spend much on colonies, for
with little or no expense he can send them out and
keep them there, and he offends a minority only of
the citizens from whom he takes lands and houses
to give them to the new inhabitants; and those
whom he offends, remaining poor and scattered,
are never able to injure him; whilst the rest being
uninjured are easily kept quiet, and at the same
time are anxious not to err for fear it should
happen to them as it has to those who have been
despoiled. In conclusion, I say that these colonies
are not costly, they are more faithful, they injure
less, and the injured, as has been said, being poor
and scattered, cannot hurt. Upon this, one has to
remark that men ought either to be well treated or
crushed, because they can avenge themselves of
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Nicolo Machiavelli
lighter injuries, of more serious ones they cannot;
therefore the injury that is to be done to a man
ought to be of such a kind that one does not stand
in fear of revenge.
But in maintaining armed men there in place of
colonies one spends much more, having to
consume on the garrison all income from the state,
so that the acquisition turns into a loss, and many
more are exasperated, because the whole state is
injured; through the shifting of the garrison up and
down all become acquainted with hardship, and all
become hostile, and they are enemies who, whilst
beaten on their own ground, are yet able to do hurt.
For every reason, therefore, such guards are as
useless as a colony is useful.
Again, the prince who holds a country differing
in the above respects ought to make himself the
head and defender of his powerful neighbours, and
to weaken the more powerful amongst them,
taking care that no foreigner as powerful as himself
shall, by any accident, get a footing there; for it
will always happen that such a one will be
introduced by those who are discontented, either
through excess of ambition or through fear, as one
has seen already. The Romans were brought into
Greece by the Aetolians; and in every other
country where they obtained a footing they were
brought in by the inhabitants. And the usual course
of affairs is that, as soon as a powerful foreigner
enters a country, all the subject states are drawn to
him, moved by the hatred which they feel against
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Nicolo Machiavelli
the ruling power. So that in respect to these subject
states he has not to take any trouble to gain them
over to himself, for the whole of them quickly rally
to the state which he has acquired there. He has
only to take care that they do not get hold of too
much power and too much authority, and then with
his own forces, and with their goodwill, he can
easily keep down the more powerful of them, so as
to remain entirely master in the country. And he
who does not properly manage this business will
soon lose what he has acquired, and whilst he does
hold it he will have endless difficulties and
troubles.
The Romans, in the countries which they
annexed, observed closely these measures; they
sent colonies and maintained friendly relations
with the minor powers, without increasing their
strength; they kept down the greater, and did not
allow any strong foreign powers to gain authority.
Greece appears to me sufficient for an example.
The Achaeans and Aetolians were kept friendly by
them, the kingdom of Macedonia was humbled,
Antiochus was driven out; yet the merits of the
Achaeans and Aetolians never secured for them
permission to increase their power, nor did the
persuasions of Philip ever induce the Romans to be
his friends without first humbling him, nor did the
influence of Antiochus make them agree that he
should retain any lordship over the country.
Because the Romans did in these instances what all
prudent princes ought to do, who have to regard
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Nicolo Machiavelli
not only present troubles, but also future ones, for
which they must prepare with every energy,
because, when foreseen, it is easy to remedy them;
but if you wait until they approach, the medicine is
no longer in time because the malady has become
incurable; for it happens in this, as the physicians
say it happens in hectic fever, that in the beginning
of the malady it is easy to cure but difficult to
detect, but in the course of time, not having been
either detected or treated in the beginning, it
becomes easy to detect but difficult to cure. Thus it
happens in affairs of state, for when the evils that
arise have been foreseen (which it is only given to
a wise man to see), they can be quickly redressed,
but when, through not having been foreseen, they
have been permitted to grow in a way that every
one can see them. there is no longer a remedy.
Therefore, the Romans, foreseeing troubles, dealt
with them at once, and, even to avoid a war, would
not let them come to a head, for they knew that war
is not to be avoided, but is only put off to the
advantage of others; moreover they wished to fight
with Philip and Antiochus in Greece so as not to
have to do it in Italy; they could have avoided both,
but this they did not wish; nor did that ever please
them which is for ever in the mouths of the wise
ones of our time:— Let us enjoy the benefits of the
time — but rather the benefits of their own valour
and prudence, for time drives everything before it,
and is able to bring with it good as well as evil,
and evil as well as good.
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Nicolo Machiavelli
But let us turn to France and inquire whether she
has done any of the things mentioned. I will speak
of Louis [XII] (and not of Charles [VIII]) as the
one whose conduct is the better to be observed, he
having held possession of Italy for the longest
period; and you will see that he has done the
opposite to those things which ought to be done to
retain a state composed of divers elements.
King Louis was brought into Italy by the
ambition of the Venetians, who desired to obtain
half the state of Lombardy by his intervention. I
will not blame the course taken by the king,
because, wishing to get a foothold in Italy, and
having no friends there — seeing rather that every
door was shut to him owing to the conduct of
Charles — he was forced to accept those
friendships which he could get, and he would have
succeeded very quickly in his design if in other
matters he had not made some mistakes. The king,
however, having acquired Lombardy, regained at
once the authority which Charles had lost: Genoa
yielded; the Florentines became his friends; the
Marquess of Mantua, the Duke of Ferrara, the
Bentivoglio, my lady of Forli, the Lords of Faenza,
of Pesaro, of Rimini, of Camerino, of Piombino,
the Lucchesi, the Pisans, the Sienese — everybody
made advances to him to become his friend. Then
could the Venetians realize the rashness of the
course taken by them, which, in order that they
might secure two towns in Lombardy, had made
the king master of two-thirds of Italy.
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Nicolo Machiavelli
Let any one now consider with what little
difficulty the king could have maintained his
position in Italy had he observed the rules above
laid down, and kept all his friends secure and
protected; for although they were numerous they
were both weak and timid, some afraid of the
Church, some of the Venetians, and thus they
would always have been forced to stand in with
him, and by their means he could easily have made
himself secure against those who remained
powerful. But he was no sooner in Milan than he
did the contrary by assisting Pope Alexander to
occupy the Romagna. It never occurred to him that
by this action he was weakening himself, depriving
himself of friends and those who had thrown
themselves into his lap, whilst he aggrandized the
Church by adding much temporal power to the
spiritual, thus giving it great authority. And having
committed this prime error, he was obliged to
follow it up, so much so that, to put an end to the
ambition of Alexander, and to prevent his
becoming the master of Tuscany, he was himself
forced to come into Italy.
And as if it were not enough to have
aggrandized the Church, and deprived himself
friends, he, wishing to have the kingdom of
Naples, divides it with the King of Spain, and
where he was the prime arbiter of Italy he takes an
associate, so that the ambitious of that country and
the malcontents of his own should have where to
shelter; and whereas he could have left in the
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Nicolo Machiavelli
kingdom his own pensioner as king, he drove him
out, to put one there who was able to drive him,
Louis, out in turn.
The wish to acquire is in truth very natural and
common, and men always do so when they can,
and for this they will be praised not blamed; but
when they cannot do so, yet wish to do so by any
means, then there is folly and blame. Therefore, if
France could have attacked Naples with her own
forces she ought to have done so; if she could not,
then she ought not to have divided it. And if the
partition which she made with the Venetians in
Lombardy was justified by the excuse that by it she
got a foothold in Italy, this other partition merited
blame, for it had not the excuse of that necessity.
Therefore Louis made these five errors: he
destroyed the minor powers, he increased the
strength of one of the greater powers in Italy, he
brought in a foreign power, he did not settle in the
country, he did not send colonies. Which errors, if
he had lived, were not enough to injure him had he
not made a sixth by taking away their dominions
from the Venetians; because, had he not
aggrandized the Church, nor brought Spain into
Italy, it would have been very reasonable and
necessary to humble them; but having first taken
these steps, he ought never to have consented to
their ruin, for they, being powerful, would always
have kept off others from designs on Lombardy, to
which the Venetians would never have consented
except to become masters themselves there; also
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Nicolo Machiavelli
because the others would not wish to take
Lombardy from France in order to give it to the
Venetians, and to run counter to both they would
not have had the courage.
And if any one should say: King Louis yielded
the Romagna to Alexander and the kingdom to
Spain to avoid war, I answer for the reasons given
above that a blunde …
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